Author: Angelica Warsaw

In an effort to handle what he has stated as a “rampant drug smuggling and overdose death” problem in the United States, Trump has confirmed that new 25 percent tariffs will go into effect on March 4^th against Mexico and Canada, with an additional 10 percent tariff against China. Despite a nearly 24 percent drop in fatal overdose deaths, there were still an estimated 61,393 opioid-related deaths in the 12 months ending September 2024. Throughout his campaign, Trump called for an end to the “drug epidemic” through harsher sentencing, and even advocated for the use of the death penalty, for drug dealers. History has shown that harsher sentencing and “crackdowns” on drugs and drug use are ineffective, furthering stigmatization and thus limiting access to treatment and promoting the issue rather than curbing it.

Following Nixon’s implementation of the “war on drugs” in 1971, New York introduced harsh sentencing in 1973, mandating a minimum of 15 years to life for dealers and users. These statutes, known as the “Rockefeller Drug Laws,” were the harshest drug-sentencing measures in the country. This new era of harsh sentencing led to a 1,216 percent increase in state prison populations for drug offenses between 1980 and 2008, which, since its inception, has adversely affected black individuals, who are 3.6 times more likely to be arrested for selling drugs and 2.5 times more likely to be arrest for possessing drugs than white individuals.

In recent years, data has shown that there is no statistically significant relationship between state drug imprisonment rates and drug use, drug overdose deaths, and drug arrests. With the recent decrease in overdose-related deaths, increased access to medication-assisted treatment for substance use disorder, and successes of harm reduction programs (such as naloxone, syringe service programs, safe consumption sites, etc.) the use of harsher sentencing as a tactic to fight drugs and drug use in the United States would be a major setback for the country.

Substance use, while including criminal aspects, should be viewed from a treatment lens, not a punitive perspective. History has shown that mandatory minimums, harsher sentences, and increased arrests do not curb the rate of overdose deaths, but have increased it. One study found that within one week of a “drug bust” local overdose deaths doubled due to users seeking supplies from unfamiliar sources. The United States simultaneously has the highest rate of incarceration, the highest rate of drug use, and the highest rate of drug-related deaths. Punitive approaches do not work and policy experts fear that Trump’s efforts could set the nation back in its attempt to address these issues. Should the United States revert to historically ineffective ways of addressing drug use, the exponential work that has been done could be nullified and the nation’s success in dropping overdose regress. With all of Trump’s latest actions, it is important that we not forget about the 48.5 million Americans who face addiction every day and could be greatly impacted by Trump’s punitive approaches. 

Among the thousands of federal, state, local, and tribal criminal legal systems in the United States, there are over 1.9 million people in prisons, jails, detention centers, etc. Within that population, an estimated 65 percent of individuals meet the criteria for an active substance use disorder (SUD). The Prison Policy Initiative estimates that in jails, less than two-thirds of people are screened for opioid use disorder, and only 54% of those who qualify are provided medication for people experiencing withdrawal. When not treated adequately, opioid withdrawal can be a life-threatening condition that includes symptoms of sweating, nausea, vomiting, agitation, anxiety, etc. People entering the criminal justice system must be medically monitored and provided the treatment necessary to mitigate the harm and potential loss of life that can result from opioid withdrawal.

For a time, Corizon Health Inc., a private, for-profit medical contractor, was the nation’s largest for-profit provider of correctional healthcare. However, following over 1,000 lawsuits alleging substandard care, Corizon went through corporate restructuring, moving its debts to a new company called Tehum Care Services and then filing for bankruptcy, a move often known as a “Texas Two-Step.”  Now, Corizon operates under a new name, YesCare, and has signed a billion-dollar contract with the State of Alabama and has extended its contract with the State of Maryland to provide healthcare services in jails and prisons. It is incredibly concerning that a company, that has over a thousand suits relating to negligent medical care, many of which include wrongful death suits relating to negligent mismanagement of detox, is still responsible for the care of such an emotionally and medically vulnerable population.

Medical malpractice related to SUDs runs rampant throughout the correctional system in the United States, and the increased litigations shed light on the need to implement change that advocates for a population that is increasingly in need of advocacy. A common practice for managing withdrawal symptoms and promoting recovery includes the use of opioid agonists, such as methadone, buprenorphine, and naltrexone (these treatments are referred to as medication for opioid use disorder or MOUD), yet only 24% of jails use MOUD, and only 1% of people with a SUD in prisons report receiving MOUD. Not only are these treatments effective for addressing withdrawal symptoms, but they are also found to be effective in lowering overdose deaths following release from the criminal justice system. Not only are these medications lifesaving, according to a study done by the Bloomberg School of Public Health found them to be “a highly cost-effective intervention” among incarcerated populations. 

With the large sums of money, both from the opioid settlement funding ($55.2 billion) and the Tehum Care Services (Formerly Corizon Health Inc.) litigations resulting in a $75 million settlement, there is a massive amount of money on the table. If funneled appropriately, it can be used to implement MOUD in jails and prisons to reduce the harms of opioid withdrawal, SUD, and post-release overdose. Though the Tehum settlement will go to Tehum’s creditors, it will also go toward plaintiffs who suffered great losses through Corizon’s negligence. Following this impactful litigation, there must be justice for those lives lost and injuries that transpired because of the mismanagement and lack of treatment relating to SUD detoxification. MOUD is a feasible and effective solution to opioid withdrawal and given the funding available via the opioid settlements and Corizon litigations, now is the time to implement change.